"India is the world's largest democracy, and its electoral process cannot take place without a public debate grounded in facts, which are brought to light by journalists. We call on journalists to look past divisions and unite around the ideal of delivering trustworthy information that serves the public interest. There is no need to be fatalistic: RSF(Reporters Without Borders) stands with Indian journalists in these difficult times and is ready to work with local, federal, and national authorities of goodwill to implement actions and reforms that could improve the country’s ranking. RSF’s presence reflects a strong commitment to engage with these issues, which are essential to Indian society."
- Thibaut Bruttin
RSF Director General
When Reporters Without Borders (RSF) released its 2026 World Press Freedom Index, India’s ranking grabbed attention. India placed 157th out of 180 countries, dropping six spots from the previous year and remaining one of the lowest-ranked democracies globally.
The ranking received predictable reactions. Critics pointed out flaws in RSF’s methods, questioning whether a complex reality can be captured by a single number. Supporters of the government said that international rankings often ignore India’s large and varied media landscape, which includes thousands of newspapers, television channels, and digital outlets in many languages.
These criticisms are worth considering. No ranking is flawless, and press freedom cannot be fully understood through numbers alone. However, focusing only on debates about methods risks missing a more important question: why do concerns about press freedom in India persist across various institutions, reports, and years?
Legal Context
Freedom of the press isn't directly mentioned in the Constitution, but it's protected under the right to freedom of expression. Still, governments haven't hesitated to squash the media using old colonial laws, like ones about sedition and anti-state activities. Nowadays, anti-terrorism laws get slapped on journalists too often. The Indian National Congress, along with some regional parties, frequently hit journalists with legal actions for retaliatory purposes. And Modi's pushed through new laws giving the government more control over what gets reported. For instance, there's the 2023 Telecommunications Act, the 2023 Information Technology Amendment Rules, and the 2023 Digital Personal Data Protection Act - all aimed at muffling critics.
Socio-Cultural Context
Indian society's diversity isn't shown enough in the media. In journalism, especially at higher levels, it's mainly Hindu men from upper castes calling the shots. Because of this, storylines and report topics end up pretty one-sided. Take prime-time talk shows for instance; only about 15% of guests are women.
Now, Hindu nationalist views have really taken hold. They control what people see and hear, what's debated, even who gets airtime. There's way too much hate-filled content against religious groups, jammed into viewers' faces, especially on Hindi channels.
On the other hand, there are shining exceptions like Khabar Lahariya. This news site employs all women reporters from rural areas and marginalized groups, showing a more inclusive model can work.
Political Framework
India’s media has basically been put in an “unofficial state of emergency” ever since Narendra Modi became prime minister in 2014. Under his leadership, there's been a super close connection between his party, the BJP, and India's top media owners. Take Mukesh Ambani from Reliance Industries – he's a friend to Modi and reaches more than 800 million Indians through over 70 outlets. And then you've got Gautam Adani grabbing NTDVD's channel late last year – another friend of Modi. This deal pretty much ended any real media diversity. In recent years, we've also seen the growth of what folks call “Godi media,” blending cheerleading for the BJP with populist messages.
Modi wields significant control over how he's portrayed. The guy skips press conferences, and only talks to people who've shown him nothing but praise. He isn't shy about criticizing anyone else. To make matters worse, journalists questioning the government face serious bullying from trolls aligned with the BJP. Overall, it paints a bleak picture for press freedom and open journalism in India.
Economic Context
India’s media mainly rely on advertising money, with the government being the big spender. Under Narendra Modi, billions from public funds go towards this ad spending. Both state and federal governments apply pressure to control what media outlets broadcast, especially impacting smaller ones reliant on this funding. Meanwhile, the government has really ramped up control over media operations - both those run by the state and private firms. Media ownership is becoming concentrated among just a handful of companies, most linked with the government. An example is the Adani group’s take-over of NDTV, India’s once bold news channel, through a hostile takeover bid. Led by Modi’s buddy, Gautam Adani, this giant conglomerate expanded its reach into media via ports, energy, mining, and now news networks too.
Incidents in India
- Majid Hyderi, a Kashmiri journalist, says the police told him he'd be "killed under mysterious circumstances" if he didn't pull his complaint. So, to get some refuge, he ran to a courtroom. Since 2019, police have been cracking down on journalists in Kashmir, doing things like surveillance and arrests. RSF is not happy about this – they want Hyderi to be safe and call for a thorough, independent investigation into what happened. However, Majid Hyderi’s relief remains fragile: "The harassment has only paused because of the Court intervention, but I fear that I will be killed soon or jailed in a fake case because it is the only way to keep me silenced."
- On March 20, 2026, it'll be three years since freelance journalist and Wande Magazine editor Irfan Mehraj was arrested. Taken from Srinagar under a harsh anti-terror law, he's been held by the NIA on what many see as fake charges. This led to potential life in prison. Reporters Without Borders demands his release and the dismissal of the made-up accusations against him. In New Delhi’s Rohini prison complex, far from his family—who can only visit every six months—the journalist keeps speaking up from his cell. "I remain hopeful," he says. "I'm innocent, and I believe my innocence will beat these absurd, false charges soon."
- An Indian court in Gujarat hit independent journalist Ravi Nair with a year in jail for defaming Adani Enterprises Limited. This company is part of the massive conglomerate controlled by billionaire Gautam Adani. This legal action shows how aggressive the Adani group is in suing journalists. Reporters Without Borders is against this abuse of defamation law. "The fear of jail time for stories about important topics really hinders probes into influential money powers and weakens people’s right to info. This shows how criminal defamation rules are being misused – these colonial-era laws need to go. Reporters Sans Frontières calls for India to quickly get rid of criminal defamation laws and replace them with fair civil ones. They also want strong laws against strategic lawsuits against public participation (SLAPPs) to stop courts from being used to silence journalists." - Célia Mercier, Head of the RSF South Asia Desk.
There are many more incidents that suppressed India's rank in the World Press Freedom Index......
Conclusion
India’s constitution offers solid grounding for safeguarding free expression. Although press freedom isn’t directly stated, courts have interpreted Article 19(1)(a) to cover the press's liberty. So, the constitutional framework shows a dedication to open discussion and public oversight.
Still, just having those protections isn't enough. What journalists actually face day-to-day depends on how legal stuff, political climate, economic stresses, and institutional support systems all mesh together. Out of this bigger picture come today's worries about press freedom. Crucially, we shouldn't look at these issues as purely partisan matters. Queries about media independence predate any particular government and will probably stay relevant no matter who's in power in the future. At heart, it's an institutional problem, not just an electoral one.
This distinction matters because the future of Indian journalism isn't determined just by rankings from international groups. Instead, it depends on whether India's legal, political, and economic systems can protect a space where journalists feel safe doing their jobs—investigating, critiquing, and reporting without fearing reprisals.
The debate over India's 2026 Press Freedom Index ranking is more than about numbers. Rankings shift, methods change, but what truly counts is whether core issues are getting worse over time.
For a nation aiming to lead in shaping the Indo-Pacific's future, these trends have a big impact beyond just the newsrooms. Press freedom isn't just a media issue; it shows how confident a democracy is in itself.
